Can we bridge Society-Scholarship disconnect?

If the Vocation Lectures were only a fragment of Weber’s thought, than Weber thought of tons of things. The lectures not only covered the vocations themselves, but offered insights into both professions, and what the two professions do for society. Ultimately, Weber concludes both professions are meaningless unless the professional gives them proper context.
The lecture that fascinated me the most was the lecture on “science”, which I prefer to call scholarship. Scholarship, as Weber notes, is an inefficient process. No one truly knows when information is truly needed, but only that it will be used one day. Here, there is a disconnect between knowledge and the real world, leaving most people confused about how knowledge applies. Far from the Platonic idea of science as blessed sunlight, Weber says knowledge confuses, and just leads to more questions.
So what is the use of scholarship? Is it worthwhile to fund such an inefficient enterprise? Scholarship cannot survive without government funding or philanthropy (or students’ very generous contributions). As scholarship increases, it will seem more mystical to society, as it will have only a few direct applications. Why?

Nietszche=Whoa!

Philosophy is pretty dry. Educated men (fewer women) write down funny ideas that may or may not bear any relation to reality. Sometimes, philosophy has a prescriptive element, such as Thomas Hobbes’s call for a strong sovereign. Often, though, philosophy describes the world as is. Immanuel Kant had a largely descriptive philosophy, and one that does not have immediate interest.
Friedrich Nietszche’s philosophy is not dry at all. In fact, it is jarring, deeply symbolic, and made me a tad uncomfortable. One could read it as the ramblings of a crazy anti-Christian, and would be right. But if one looks even deeper, he sees a philosopher prepared to question everything that came before him. He not only questions our Judeo-Christian values, but how we construct our values in the first place. What do our values help us avoid? How did we come to those values?
To explain Nietszche’s philosophy is a waste of time, for I can do him no justice. What I can do is note the stylistic differences between Nietszche and all other philosophers. Unlike most philosophical texts, Nietszche’s book is deeply personal, and uses metaphors and literary devices freely. Nietszche makes huge empirical claims, such as his version of community formation in the middle of his second essay.
One other thing to note is that Nietszche’s three essays attack the same question from three different angles. Each is a criticism of traditional morality on three different fronts, leaving me confused where one distinction ends and the other begins. One thing for certain, though, is that Nietszche’s thought is so rich and consistent that it deserves time for contemplation.

Nature in Hegel and Kant

Hegel would classify Kant's view of nature driven history as a type of universal history. It would be accurate that Kant's history reveals just as much, if not more, about his own philosophical framework than what may have actually happened. In fact Hegel's idea of the Rational Spirit is related to Kant's idea of Nature. Except is more representative and explained, and does not reference as much back to being the unknowable space (i.e. an effective god figure), but rather something more a renewing and renewable (but knowable) part of the world. Hegel's nature in fact is in opposition to overall progress through a cyclic history and is opposed by the Rational Spirit . Hence Kant's nature is more comparable to Hegel's Rational Spirit than Hegel's nature through its control.

Hegel and His View on Living History

Like Immanuel Kant, G.W.F. Hegel sees human history as a story of progression, moving towards a final goal of ultimate freedom. Unlike Kant, Hegel examines the political sphere in far greater detail than Kant does. In fact, Hegel uses the political as the starting point, using macrosocial forces (zeitgeist) to explain the progression of society.

Hegel’s view of zeitgeist explains his philosophical outlook to history, and why he sees it as fundamental to human development. Several of the philosophers we have seen use history to their own ends, mostly in the form of “states of nature.” Hobbes, Locke and Rousseau each form a state of nature, formulated on little more than their own ideas. Hegel uses an actual narrative to reflect on history, and what he sees as the larger, social developments.

What are those developments, you may ask? The answer is one I am not entirely sure of. What I can say, with certainty, is that Hegel feels history tracks the progress of a society, and that a society remains in stasis without it. The most vivid example to me is Hegel’s view on India, a culturally rich society that maintains no codified history. As Hegel explains on pages 65 and 66, the Indians have a self-conception, but have not narrowed it down because they do not have a proper view of themselves.

What I do find disturbing is that he views Protestant Germanic society as the pinnacle of human progress. While I (a staunch Catholic) do feel the Protestant ethos has helped Western society flesh its views of individualism, I nonetheless find Hegel’s attitudes towards other societies as dangerous, bordering on racist. I just feel that Hegel’s views may lay the framework for a German superiority complex, which can help justify all sorts of nastiness over the next century (German imperialism and Naziism come to mind).

The Progression of Society

Kant's view of nature and its role is very different than what comes before, in my understanding of it. In the idea that nature is inherent in us as a species and is a driving force in how the human race is shaped throughout time. This deterministic, and almost predestined view of human history/future (we may not get to a state of peace or concord between nations on the first try, but eventually it will happen) seems strongly rooted in a Calvinistic or at least Protestant view of predestination.
Interestingly, he does not seem optimistic about the fact that eventually nations will learn to work together despite his reasoning that it must occur. I thought that there may be two reasons for this: (1) He believes that it will be so far in the future that there is no use for him to think about it as he won't be around anymore, nor would he have expected it to occur in a few hundred years; (2) Staying at a position of formal relations between nations and cooperation between them may be difficult and the moral aspects may not be easily maintained either.

One thing that struck me as being, as far as I am aware, relativity new thinking was the idea that the even the politics of one state should not be interfered with by others. Although this likely has its roots in ideas coming out of the Peace of Westphalia and ideas for sovereignty, the way it was stated and laid out also made it clear that Gene Roddenberry must have been in some ways a Kantian.

Questioning Kant's Good, and the Means to this Good

I managed to get an interview with Immanuel Kant this week. Kant telephoned me from his bunk bed in heaven. Many thanks to the angels who contributed countless hours to translate Kant’s dialogue from his own private language.

Thomas Hamed: So can you sum up your political philosophy in three sentences?
Immanuel Kant: No

TH: Can I?
IK: Probably not without making false assumptions of my statements.

TH: Well, based on my reading of Perpetual Peace and Theory and Practice, I have come up with three statements:

1. Man uses morality to transcend his animalistic nature, and gains greater moral insight as time goes on.
2. A good government is one where the people’s morality aligns with the rulers’, and all understand and execute their duties.
3. Nations should federate to foster peace and understanding between each other, especially when those nations meet conditions in #2.

Am I right?

IK: You are (woefully) incomplete, inbreeding my philosophy with your own views by removing key qualifications I make throughout my work. Have you read my Critique of Pure Reason, Critique on Practical Reason, and the other thousands of pages I have penned? They give you a much fuller account of how I expect man to transcend his brutish nature, and how he must achieve it.

TH: I am sure they are enlightening. I want to ask you a few questions about the premises of your first statement.
IK: If you wish.

TH: From what I have read, you describe well how man can transcend, and why he may wish to transcend himself. Yet the very word “transcend” implies he is going somewhere he knows little about, possibly even this state’s existence. Comment on that.
IK: Man may not know consciously, but does know through his limited perception of time.

TH: Let’s accept that notion of time [it will take a semester to discuss this]. What’s the good man is moving towards?
IK: Harmony, for one thing. Moral harmony, to be precise. Peace is also a goal, as the more peace one has, the happier he is.

TH: And so you regard peace as a good in itself?
IK: Yes.

TH: Is peace “good” enough that it requires moral concord within a state?
IK: Undoubtedly.

Here, the translators quit work. I am a skeptic of Kant’s philosophy, as it assumes there is an objective “good”, and that the methods towards this good are just. I feel that Kant’s philosophy paints humanity with a broad brush stroke, and may loose the very diversity he defends in Perpetual Peace. Furthermore, I find disturbing his defense of individual duty towards a state. While duty is necessary for the orderly workings of a state, I remain unconvinced that it fosters a state’s moral advancement.

Society and the Indivdual justice

One argument of his that I find interesting is that in justice, even if a few cases do not seem to be the most fair thing (do to extenuating circumstances, etc.), that in no way implies that it is not the right to follow the same lines of justice. While he does still often hold he individual as a basic unit, this is particularly society oriented, as Hume believes that without the maintenance of the same rules of justice even in cases where they don't seem to fit is essential to the maintenance of order and society. And although Hume's belief in a "state of nature" is purely as a theoretical background, he believes that any society would be better than none. He thus brings the individual priority back in in the English tradition.

Civilization: Run Away?

Is civilization at the root of inequality? That’s what Jean-Jacque Rousseau would have us believe. To Rousseau, a state of nature was not just a society without a government, but a time when humans were true animals. Rousseau acknowledges that physical differences exist, but not differences based on anything else. As he says on page 38, that can only come with civilization, or as he says, when, “...nature was subjected to the law.” Notice the use of passive voice in this statement, emphasizing nature over mankind.
So why does civilization breed indifference? The answer is simple: it’s the belief in property. In Rousseau’s mind, man was once simply a beast, prancing around the forest while foraging for food. A bear or a wolf may eat one for lunch one day, but a quick runner could avoid this. All of this changed when man obtained property, and forced himself to settle down.
In my mind, Rousseau’s philosophy of civilization and sedation the relates somewhat to the movie Up in the Air. In the movie, the protagonist travels 320 days a year for his job, and has no real home nor family. While on the road, he gives motivational speeches that tell people to sever their family connections and material possessions. Toward the end of the movie, the protagonist’s sister asks him what kind of f----- up philosophy he’s preaching. The two philosophers attack two different things (Rousseau attacks society, Clooney’s character attacks human interaction), but I feel their methodologies are the same: push civilization away and run from your problems.

State of Nature and further Reflections

In my reading, his description of the state of nature and the possible transition therefrom was very informative of his ideas on government and society. Although the entire idea of society as a social construct itself struck me as interesting as this becomes a similar chicken and egg problem to what he points out as his conception of how language and society grew. As an answer to that question of his, I answer with the following: likely the two grew together. A basic means of communication, even if it did not originally rise to the level of a language, existed for chance encounters, and even presuming the family unit stayed practically non-existent, mothers would pass on what language they had discovered growing up to their children (in addition to any technical innovations, which Rousseau also claims must originally must disappear each generation). Since unlike in the chicken and egg question, community and language can form simultaneously, that is what likely occurred, each allowing (and demanding) more complexities than the other. In the totality, while I do not agree with the extreme solitariness of humans before society (he gives no reason why humans wouldn't be in groups like many animals), nor of there complete incomprehension of the future (storing food for winter would require some level of forethought), his conception of people seems more realistic than Hobbs'.

However, combining the two pieces, I still see that the ideal place for man to be is in small societies of towns that can expect no interference from other groups. He acknowledges that true happiness can also be found when around family, which although he does not directly say so, he implies can be greater than the not quite idyllic peace and freedom from obligations found by man alone.


Going through the texts again also gave me further thought into who he would truly consider a citizen and part of the general will. While he does not address the role of children as part of this either way, he does make several implications throughout as to the role of women. Their role is clearly stated to be less than that of men in other spheres, and he clearly thinks that there value is less, and makes only a slight mention of the Roman's non-inclusion of women in there system, which is much less than he talks about the non-inclusion of slaves and non-citizens. Therefore there is an inconsistency in his reasoning in regard to women. They can either be a full part of the general will and an equal part of the sovereign, or they can be hold a lesser place in society. To try to place them in both categories seems paradoxical to me. I also cannot recall any point in which he describes if any portion of the population should not be accounted for in the general will, accept those who are traitors. And yet he did not seem deeply troubled that some of the governments of the past that he held in higher esteem were highly exclusive.

No Civil Society?

One thing that struck me was the end of Chapter III in Book II when Rousseau asserts that there "should be no partial society in the state and that each citizen make up his own mind" (156). While this would be a good thing, and may to some extent have been more possible at his time, the lack of civil society now would hinder peoples abilities to have the information to make up his own mind. Since most issues and topics in general are very involved and without groups who care specifically about the information gathering it and distributing it, it would become difficult to know enough about an issue to make up your own mind. While he would likely be more against societies such as unions and fixed political parties, civil society would also fall under his assertions against partitions in society since it is methods of bringing people interested in specific issues to work on and discuss issues which relate to their community, and often spread information and opinions about those topics.
Now, civil society is considered an important part of building a society into a democracy and involve people actively in having a voice and being able to analyze for themselves what their opinions should be on government. So why does Rousseau think that this segment is more harmful? For other issues he carefully weighs the positives and negatives, but not here. Is the objection based mainly on that subgroups within the society will inherently weaken the greater whole? If so, how does he feel that everyone should have the knowledge to evaluate their stances?

Rousseau: It's Whom You Know

“Man is born free, and everywhere he is in chains?” Really? What kinds of chains? To me, Rousseau outlines two general kinds of chains: those from society (learning, culture, etc.) and self-imposed chains (social compact, etc.). The second form of chain interests me, because the chain (relationships) form the heart of Rousseau’s government, and aren’t necessarily bad.

Rousseau’s state is one of reciprocal relationships. Unlike Thomas Hobbes, who advocates passive acceptance of a sovereign, Rousseau advocates active participation in state life. Rousseau sees this participation as a reduction in liberty, but this is not bad in itself. Instead, it moves closer to what Rousseau respects as the legitimate sovereign of his state: the general will.

One thing that puzzled me was Rousseau’s assumption that freedom bred civic virtue. In a way, the link is obvious, as freedom is for the individual to delegate, and he may delegate it to his neighbors in a compact. But are all free men virtuous people whom love their neighbors? What is there’s a Hobbesian jerk who uses freedom (or state of nature) to kill his neighbors and take their goods? Rousseau dismisses Hobbesian psychology altogether, but does he really believe that his own psychology prevails among everyone?

Freedom and Tyranny

While I did not have the opportunity to enter into a discussion with Locke himself, I instead focused on finding points in the text which seemed rather self evident now, but wouldn't have been. First was the concept of freedom he presented, specifically that if someone hindered ones freedom in any way, they would by necessity be be planning on taking everything else to. It struck me as opposing previous views, and prevailing logic at the time that slaves could and should be content with their lot as it was where they belonged, and not be in "a state of war continued" against their master. He does say that a contract between the two would nullify the slavery aspect and turn it into drudgery. The question is then, would the slave no longer be considered a slave by Locke if (s)he did anything that the master asked that didn't directly let them live longer? How implicit or explicit would the contract have to be according to Locke?

Significant is that Locke uses many words and phrases in the same manner we would now use them commonly, and different from how they have been in the past. Specifically tyrant, for example, which he lays out is a ruler(s) who is not governed by the laws of the land and steps beyond the role given to him by the public. It will be interesting to see if this way of viewing tyranny continues to change in the literature or that it has remained relatively fixed since this time period. At this point I feel its more likely that this is the definition we use because of how often Locke was cited in the beginning of our country's history, and not because his definition became prevailing throughout future literature.

Where Do Property Rights Really Come From?

I am trying a little something different this week. While I’d like to blabber on what I’ve just read, I realize that no one really wants to read it. So I decided to go out and interview John Locke. There was no gurantee he was listening to my prayers that day, but he gave me a ring and granted my own phone interview. Think Glubdubdrib, only real.

What follows is a relevant excerpt from my interview.

John Locke: My wife’s harp playing has gotten a lot better. You know, they finally gave her a different cloud than my own.

Thomas Hamed (rolls eyes): Really?

JL: Yeah. Now I can have her other angel friends come over.

TH: That’s awesome! Listen, I wanted to ask you a few questions about your philosophy.

JL: Go for it.

TH: You see, I read The Second Treatise, and have to say I agree with your conclusions.

JL: How so?

TH: I agree with your conclusions. I agree that man has an inherent right to property, and that he should form civil society with other men to protect those property rights.

JL: Yes.

TH: You said the right to property comes from man’s industry. Elaborate on that.

JL: Yes, well, you hit the nail right on the head. Let’s say you are a native in America.

TH: Doesn’t work these days. They’re gone

JL: Okay, let’s say you are a native deep in the Amazon, where no one has reached you. You live off nature’s bounty, for she provides you with everything. Alack, you need not improve the land. You do not inherently own it, but you don’t need to. You are in a state of nature, and being that things are not as dense, you can live off nature’s bounty and never be in conflict with your neighbors. There’s no need to assign property, nor to mitigate disputes.

TH: Sounds logical. Tell me, why does right necessarily flow from industry?

JL: Because, well, it seems functional to me. Take my example of the water in the pitcher. Surely, the water in a fountain is common, but that’s only because it doesn’t do much. It’s just a bunch of molecules sitting there. In the pitcher, the man has intention to drink it. A similar concept applies to my wife’s lady friends.

TH: But you say that the right of property is natural? Why?

JL (long pause): You preposterous mongrel! You rogue! Why do you think it’s a law of nature? Didn’t God give you the will to survive? Natural law is based on what you do in a state of nature, and what God has given you.

TH: But let’s just say I had no intention of survival. Let’s just say I left the water in the fountain not out of altruism, but because I had no real will to survive. It’d strip me of any pretense to need the water to live. Then what? Do I still have an inherent right to the water?

JL: If you take it, yes. You grabbed it with your own resources, and are therefore entitled to it.

TH: That doesn’t tell me where the right came from. What if you come along and drink the water from my pitcher without asking? That’s wrong to you, but why is it wrong? What dictates how it is right and how it is wrong?

Locke said something or another, and then hung up. So I am confused. He’s too wedded to his own ideas to help me understand. Where does he derive his rights from? The Bible? It’s a great source, but let’s just say my god didn’t leave behind a sacred text. Then what?

Dear Hobbes: Why Should Self-Interested Actors Want a Dictator?

Whenever I read a philosophy text, the first question I ask myself is why I am reading this. With Leviathan, the question was more of “why the f@%k am I reading this $h!t?” Hobbes babbles, he drones, and he generally sounds grumpy. Very grumpy. Had he written Leviathan today, his children would take him to a place where someone could help take care of him. This conclusion assumes he has children in the first place, and thus a wife who loves him for who he is. Is that possible?

But let’s just assume he isn’t a senile meanie, and that humans really are the way Hobbes says they are. Is his dictatorial state the only answer to society’s problems? To this, I offer two observations. First, Hobbes’s humans are too self-interested to peacefully govern as a democracy. As Hobbes sees it, law exists only because the sovereign says it exists. In a government where actors share sovereignty, law becomes individualistic to each member, and the concept of justice less universal. “Where there is no common power,” Hobbes writes, “there is no law; where no law, no injustice (xiii, 13).

Secondly, Hobbes probably used the English Civil War as a model for humanity. Hobbes lived through this war, and wrote Leviathan from exile in Paris. While Hobbes only makes a few passing references to the war, I feel we must keep the historical perspectives in the back of our minds.

What Hobbes does not clarify is why anyone would accept the rule of the sovereign. Hobbes makes clear that the subjects must accept the sovereign’s authority, or else the state will not function well. Hobbes also makes clear that humans will seek a strong state to maintain peace, and thus avoid their fear of death. What Hobbes does not make clear is how a desire for peace overrides a drive for self-interest the subjects may have.

Suppose, for instance, that I am the sovereign of a state with a few million people. I go to war with my neighboring states, mismanage my finances, and plunge my subjects into poverty. Then what? I am still able to maintain internal piece, and my subjects accept my ability to do so. However, I am not maximizing their welfare. Even though they don’t have the right to overthrow me, wouldn’t they be better off killing me and getting someone else? I am not sure Hobbes addresses this.

Is Descartes's Epistemology a bit circular?

First of all, everything I will say next sounds really stupid when I repeat it to myself. Our class discusses what we know and what we don’t know, but does that really matter? When I stand in the middle of a street, and a bus barrels towards me, should I debate its existence? Should I move?
As stupid as Descartes’s philosophy sound, it does establish an intellectual framework I suspect Did Descartes change philosophy? Well, I don’t know enough to say if he did or if he didn’t. What I do believe is that Descartes approaches problems logically: he knows for sure only what he can see in his mind. According to Descartes, he exists because he is sentient and autonomous, and that he is unsure of the existence of anything outside his mind.
I do not question his sense of reality, for it aligns closely with my own. What I do question is his epistemology, especially in fields he feels are obvious to him. For instance, Descartes holds that mathematics is true whether it exists in reality or not. But if mathematics do not exist in actuality, how do its laws work inside his mind?
Descartes’s answer is that there’s something inherent in mathematics that makes it right. How does he know that? He imagines the laws to be so. But what mechanisms inside his mind make this true? Descartes cannot tell us because his philosophy allows him to reference nothing outside his mind, save for what he trusts. If he cannot reference anything outside of his mind, how can he truly know anything?
That’s my primary question with Descartes’s inward-looking philosophy. I have other questions, such as one concerning his proof of God’s existence. However, the above question stands out in my mind, and hopefully, we can have a class to discuss this in.

Greek states as self-aware

What first struck me is how Aristotle's style seems much more modern than that of Plato's. The presentation of the arguments were not extracted by step by step calculations, but rather the more complete sections of arguments present a much more wholistic view of his thought process. As a side note, it also surprizes me that scholars could think that Plato wrote this, as Aristotle makes direct references and arguments against Plato's Republic in Book II, Chapter VI.

Regarding governmental style, the suggestion that a pure form government might not be the best for a city, but rather a having elements from different mind sets counterposed the idea of the more purend strict ideas set by Plato. Aristotle's ability to both envision what good/ideal governments should look like as well as discussing the pros and cons and futures of actual states seemed to be a strength to me and not something ill-reconciled as suggested by many critics in different Introductions. The way democracy is portrayed as a perversion of the polity makes us ask, what is different between the democracy he envisions and the one we have. The checks and balances which we feel necessary he does not tie directly to the idea of democracy, and many of the people who would have influence in a democracy he does not see as having the strength, time or ability to be as involved in the government process as he feels a citizen should be. It seems that the fact that now people without citizenship anywhere is considered unusual would feel odd to his time as many people (mostly of the Artisan class), although spending most of their time in one place, would not belong as a citizen to anywhere.

Aristotle's Naturalism

What struck me the most about Aristotle was that he emphasized function over form. Unlike Plato, who believed in eternal forms, Aristotle believed that the best forms were the ones that had a function. So ingrained was his belief that Aristotle even stated that “virtue” was when an object achieved its end. “…an excellent man,” writes Aristotle in Book VII, “is the sort whose virtue makes unqualifiedly good things for him. Clearly, then, his use of them must also be unqualifiedly good and noble.”

Do I agree with this reasoning? I think I do. Aristotelian thought does seem closer to human behavior than Plato’s did. Plato’s Republic was a word where relationships, both with objects and other people, all served the purpose of reaching “The Truth.” Whatever “The Truth” is, it still mystifies me. Aristotle, on the other hand, has an ethical and political system based on our relationship with objects and each other. A virtuous man, according to Aristotle, need not do psychoanalytic gymnastics as Plato’s would have, but instead ensure that everything has a purpose. A virtuous man also lives “in the mean”, where wish and appetite are consistent.

A Consistent Republic?

While at times Plato does mention the need to show the possibility for what he is proposing to exist, he never truly discusses it beyond noting that not too many changes would need to be made to the Hellenic state. However, this is not the case since many of the steps would go against habits in Greek culture, including his treatment of women and the breaking up of families. Further problematic with setting up this ideal state is that the plans are not even internally consistent. Book V struck me personally as the most offensive and objectionable, and also lacked internal consistency of ideas. For instance, he wishes that women be equal in almost every way, but still refers to them as property and belonging to the community. He also speaks of women as wifes and as belonging to a collective of men, but his preconceptions must block him from seeing that in the community he set up with people being housed together and through the dissembling of the family structure, women will not be wives just as the men will not be husbands. Furthermore, while he does have an interesting idea with many valued points about raising children in a way that leaves them uncertain of their parentage, he does not seem to think of where and how they will be raised beyond the first year or so after they are done nursing. At that age it can not yet be determined what their preferences are so where they should go apprentice as he proposes. From this writing and later section it is clear he has little personal experience in what goes into raising a child.

As a second point I agree with Thomas when he notes that Plato's analyse and argument for maximizing hapiness would not stand up today. However, I do slightly disagree with your point that a government shouldn't and likely can't influence human happiness, while I do agree that Plato's way of trying to maximize possible human happiness is also not internally consistent (especially vis-a-vis the role and place of the Guardians). However, I disagree with Thomas in that since human happiness is a very desirable thing to have in a state, it is something that a government should try to provide room for and at least make sure their is opportunities for the vast majority to be happy/content/satisfied. While lying to the people and trying to exclude vast pieces of literature is very likely unsustainable, even if Plato's Republic were momentarily realised, it would soon collapse or revolt or fundementally shift once the lies are discovered, which would once again lead to a decrease in happiness.

Overall, I was not impressed with this piece, especially as it seemed despite the supposed questioning going on, the listeners where simply there to say yes and propose leading questions and serve reasons why Socrates must delve into deeper points. This lead me to compare the increasing belief in all the suppositions to a case of group think, where little questions are asked and dealt with, but the underlying (questionable) fundamentals remain untackled.

Why Plato does not get human nature

As a student, I am learning their is more to politics than government. Plato’s Republic does outline a government structure, and shows how it may affect government institutions. But can a government do more than this? Can it not only influence the way its subjects think, but how they think? Can it even enforce optimum conditions for human happiness? I don’t believe a government should influence human happiness. In fact, I don’t even believe it can influence human happiness. I have some questions about Plato’s premises, and while I can’t provide answers, I feel that they would not stand to modern scrutiny.

First, I question if human souls all work the same, as Plato assumes. Plato does build an elaborate schema for a three part soul and a “divided line,” of experience, with reason being the highest form. These examples only show that Plato guessed we had the same machinery. What struck me further, though, was the education of the guardians. More specifically, Plato suggests that poetry harms all pupils, and suggests striking lines from Homer’s epics in the beginning of Book 3.

Second, I feel Plato’s views of eternal forms take out subjective experiences, including his own. Eternal forms, or objective reality, do exist, but each individual has a different way of relating to them. Language is probably the easiest example of subjective relation, as it allows its speakers to categorize objects. Plato used language freely in his example of a bed in Book 10, describing the bed as a bed. Perhaps there weren’t many words for furniture in ancient Greek, but I guess that the bed Plato described may have also been called a couch or a futon, each with a slightly different implication of its function. Of course, given how different each human thinks, there are ways other than language that each individual relates to the bed, each slightly different.

If human souls did work the same, and if they did experience reality the same way, then a totalitarian society may have an optimum level of human happiness. But humans don’t work that way. I can’t project the “correct” psychology of humans, but this book did teach me it’s important to political theory. How humans perceive reality, and how they relate to that reality greatly affects how a government forms.

Inagural Post

Hello!

Here is the blog space for our course. I went ahead and played with a few settings, such as linking and labels, but feel free to change things around. I came up with a title, but it can still be changed if you have another idea.

As another note, should we make sure we tag all our posts using our names as well?